“We Didn’t Start the Fire” is a column in collaboration with Foreign Policy for America’s NextGen network, a premier group of next generation foreign policy leaders committed to principled American engagement in the world. This column elevates the voices of diverse young leaders as they establish themselves as authorities in their areas of expertise and expose readers to new ideas and priorities. Here you can read about emergent perspectives, policies, risks, and opportunities that will shape the future of US foreign policy.
Until July 21, Kamala Harris was Joe Biden’s vice presidential running mate and part of a campaign that was slipping in the polls. Since the president’s decision not to run for a second term and his endorsement of her as the Democratic nominee, Harris’s trajectory has skyrocketed. She has injected fresh energy into the presidential race — a race she has virtually tied with Donald Trump in the polls — in addition to rapidly gaining popularity among young voters.
But if Kamala Harris becomes president in November, she will not only be breaking what former Secretary of State Hillary Clinton called “the highest, hardest glass ceiling.” She will be taking the reins of American power during the largest European conflict since World War II. The values, the team, and the mindset Harris brings to the table could offer a number of positive implications for relationships with Washington’s European allies.
Harris has made her commitment to the US’s European allies abundantly clear. For decades, US support for NATO allies has virtually been taken for granted. But developments within American politics, mostly on the right, have called into question many of America’s traditional foreign policy positions. Harris has unequivocally condemned Russia’s invasion and accused Moscow of crimes against humanity in Ukraine. She has also supported defending Ukraine, including at a recent summit of world leaders in Switzerland. And she vocally opposed former President Donald Trump’s comments about how he would let Russia attack NATO allies if they refused to spend enough on defense.
Harris’s Potential Impact on Transatlantic Relations
A Harris administration would also bring particular strengths to transatlantic relations based on her experience as vice president. President Biden’s decision to delegate many foreign policy engagements to her means that she would enter office with significant foreign policy experience, including her recent key role in working with German Chancellor Olaf Scholz to secure the delicately negotiated prisoner exchange with Russia. And Harris would not be going to the White House alone: she would likely keep her seasoned foreign policy team headed by her national security advisor Philip Gordon and his deputy Rebecca Lissner.
But there’s something more at play here — the mindset that would likely come with a Harris administration. And this mindset could significantly benefit transatlantic relations. On the one hand, some have argued Harris might well continue many of the foreign policy positions of the Biden administration, such as its commitment to alliances and remaining tough on China and Russia. Continuity suggests stability, which leaders across Europe are eager to see in Washington. Despite their continent’s own turbulence — including Brexit, the ascendance of far-right political parties, backlash to immigration, and Russia’s hybrid and traditional warfare — European allies have been deeply shaken by American political uncertainty. A Harris administration would likely signal stability for Washington’s European security commitments.
On the other hand, Harris’s perspective could breathe fresh life into the transatlantic relationship. She is from a younger generation with younger voter support, and her brand of liberal progressive politics — heavy on democracy, human rights, and celebration of diverse voices — mixes well with recent leftist victories in the UK and France. Her track record of calling out India and Israel over human rights issues means she might well call Europe’s illiberal leaders (such as Hungarian Prime Minister Viktor Orbán) to account, whether for their friendliness towards Russia or their anti-democratic domestic politics. And, her progressive stances in areas such as climate, women’s and LGBTQ+ rights, and holding US allies to account for their actions in Gaza and Yemen could rally allies around the flag of shared democratic values and lead to new opportunities for transatlantic cooperation.
The Alternative
As important as Harris’s strengths on transatlantic relations are, it’s equally important to consider their contrast to the likely transatlantic policies of a second Trump administration. Trump might quickly end the Russia-Ukraine war by suspending military aid to force Kyiv to the table, and he and his vice president, JD Vance, would likely promote a more isolationist US foreign policy. They’ve also hinted at undermining free and fair elections, which would send an anti-democratic message to the US’s European allies. And on a host of other issues (climate, Israel-Gaza, and Saudi Arabia, to name a few), a second Trump term would almost certainly mean more cozying up to strongmen and creating rifts with trusted allies, such as through attacks and insults on UK, French, and German leadership or their policies
The United States is just as much a part of the transatlantic relationship as the UK, France, or the dozens of other European countries whose economic and security ties to the country advance peace and prosperity on a daily basis. Many Americans, including Trump, believe the US can increase its security by cozying up to Putin, downplaying Russia as a threat, or insisting Washington focus more on China.
Yet, such thinking is woefully shortsighted. Dictators like Putin don’t treat flattery like a transaction, promising eternal non-interference in exchange for compliments. Someday, whether in five or 10 years, a Russia emboldened by a more isolationist US policy would be an even bigger threat to peace and security than it is today. And China, North Korea, and Iran would likely feel empowered to pursue their own interests in the Indo-Pacific, the Middle East, or beyond, creating manifold nightmares for Washington and its allies, including those in Europe.
Harris, on the other hand, appears to understand that allies matter. Without a crystal ball, it’s impossible to know exactly how her approach to transatlantic relations will play out. But what she brings to the table points to those relationships with US allies growing stronger under a Harris administration.
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